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Full Access The Church and Society Movement and the Roots of Public Theology in Brazilian Protestantism

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The Church and Society Movement and the Roots of Public Theology in Brazilian Protestantism

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AbstractBrazilian Protestantism in its origins tended to develop a kind of pietistic and individualistic spirituality without much concern with the social structures of Brazilian society. Nevertheless, in its historical relation with a reality marked by poverty, social injustice and oppression, some Brazilian Protestants began to develop a sense of social responsibility and social justice, which has been manifest in different ways. This article is an overview of the first attempt from a Protestant viewpoint to develop a public theological discourse in Brazil, during the 1950s and early 1960s. It focuses on the Religion and Society movement, which not only preceded liberation theology in Latin America, but also dialogued with liberationist thought and influenced it, as well as other later public discourses among Catholics and Protestants in Latin America. Richard Shaull was the first significant organic intellectual who mediated the dialogue between European/North American theologies and the Latin American public theology, which was in the making.

1. FN0*) Adapted from ‘Chapter 4: The Ecumenical Face: Brazilian Ecumenical Protestants Meet the Poor’, in Raimundo Barreto. ‘Facing the Poor in Brazil: Towards and Evangelico Progressive Social Ethics’, PhD dissertation, Princeton Theological Seminary, 2006, pp. 121–76.
2. FN11) Max Stackhouse, ‘Public Theology’, in Erwin Fahlbusch, Jan Mili Lochman, John Mbiti, Jaroslav Pelikan, Lukas Vischer, Geoffrey W. Bromiley and David B. Barrett, eds, The Encyclopedia of Christianity, vol. 4 (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1999), pp. 443–7.
3. FN22) Bradley Pace, ‘Public Reason and Public Theology: How the Church Should Interfere’, Anglican Theological Review, 91:2 (2009). Coming from a wide political range, public theologians share a commitment ‘to resisting the sectarian impulses in Christianity that would acquiesce in the disintegration of the moral consensus that has underwritten Western liberal polities for generations’ (Daniel Bell, ‘State and Civil Society’, in Peter Scott and William T. Cavanaugh, eds, The Blackwell Companion to Political Theology (Malden: Blackwell, 2004), pp. 423–38 at p. 431).
4. FN33) Esdras Borges Costa, ‘Protestantism, Modernization and Cultural Change in Brazil’, PhD dissertation, University of California, 1979, p. 5.
5. FN44) The term ‘public theology’ began to be used in Brazil more recently. Rudolf von Sinner, for example, advances a view embryonically proposed by Hugo Assmann and Jose Comblin amongst others, to move beyond liberation theology toward a theology of citizenship, situating it within the broader framework of the global conversations on public theology. See Rudolf von Sinner, ‘Toward a Theology of Citizenship as Public Theology in Brazil’, Religion and Theology, 16:3–4(2009), 181–206.
6. FN55) See Alan Neely, ‘Protestant Antecedents of the Latin American Theology of Liberation’, PhD dissertation, American University, 1977, p. vi.
7. FN66) For more detail, see Eduardo Galasso Faria, Fé e Compromisso: Richard Shaull e a Teologia no Brasil (São Paulo: SP.: ASTE, 2002) and Angel D. Santiago Vendrell, Contextual Theology and Revolutionary Change in Latin America: The Missiology of M. Richard Shaull (Eugene: Wipf and Stock, 2010).
8. FN77) Rubem Alves, ‘Towards a Theology of Liberation: an Exploration of the Encounter between the Languages of Humanistic Messianism and Messianic Humanism’, PhD dissertation, Princeton Theological Seminary, 1968; published as Rubem Alves, A Theology of Human Hope (Washington: Corpus Books, 1969).
9. FN88) See Julio Andrade Ferreira, O Profeta da Unidade: Erasmo Braga, Uma Vida a Descoberto (Petrópolis, Brazil: Vozes, 1975).
10. FN99) The Congress of Panama represented a milestone for Latin American Protestantism as it instigated the search for a Latin American Protestant identity and pointed out the need for better knowledge of the Latin American situation. See Dafne S. Plou, Caminos de Unidad: Itinerario del Diálogo Ecuménico en América Latina 1916–1991 (Quito: CLAI, 1994), p. 7; J. Kessler & W. M. Nelson, ‘Panama 1916 y Su Impacto Sobre el Protestantismo Latinoamericano’, in CLAI, ed., Oaxtepec 1978: Unidad y Misión en América Latina (San José, Costa Rica: CLAI, 1980), pp. 11–30; Luiz Longuini Neto, ‘Conferências Anteriores a Salvador: Dados Históricos’, Tempo e Presença, 289 (September/October, 1996), 7–33 and Luiz Longuini Neto, O Novo Rosto da Missão (São Paulo: Ultimato, 2002), p. 96.
11. FN1010) Ferreira, O Profeta da Unidade, pp. 103–106.
12. FN1111) Erasmo Braga and Kenneth Grubb, The Republic of Brazil: A Survey of the Religious Situation (London: World Dominion Press, 1932), p. 130.
13. FN1212) Ibid., p. 118.
14. FN1313) Ferreira, O Profeta da Unidade, p. 138.
15. FN1414) Ibid., p. 106.
16. FN1515) Jean-Pierre Bastian, Breve História do Protestantismo en America Latina (Mexico City: Casa Unida de Publicaciones, 1986), p. 116.
17. FN1616) See Plou, Caminos de Unidad, p. 10.
18. FN1717) Jean-Pierre Bastian, Breve Historia do Protestantismo, 11 (my translation). See also Erasmo Braga, Pan-Americanismo: Aspecto Religioso (New York: Sociedade de Preparo Missionário, 1916).
19. FN1818) Longuini Neto, O Novo Rosto da Missão, p. 98.
20. FN1919) See Wilton M. Nelson, ‘En Busca de un Protestantismo Latinoamericano: De Montevideo 1925 a La Habana 1929’, in CLAI, ed., Oaxtepec 1978, pp. 31–44.
21. FN2020) Plou, Caminos de Unidad, p. 14.
22. FN2121) Nelson, ‘En Busca de un Protestantismo Latinoamericano’ , pp. 39–40.
23. FN2222) At the continental level, these discussions would be expanded through the Conferencias Evangélicas Latinoamericanas (CELA), starting in 1949. See José Miguez Bonino, ‘Hacia un Protestantismo Ecumenico: Notas Para una Evaluación Histórica del Protestantismo entre la I y la II CELA (1949–1960)’, in CLAI, ed., Oaxtepec 1978, pp. 65–80.
24. FN2323) Vicente Themudo Lessa, Annaes da Primeira Egreja Presbyteriana de São Paulo (1863–1903) (São Paulo: Primeira Egreja Presbyteriana Independente de São Paulo, 1938), p. 654.
25. FN2424) Waldo César, ‘Um Ecumenismo Voltado Para o Mundo: Esboço Para uma História do Movimento Ecumênico no Brasil’, Contexto Pastoral, 26 (May/June 1995), 3–8 at 4.
26. FN2525) Ibid.
27. FN2626) In fact, no attempt to bring together a considerable number of Protestant leaders in Brazil has lasted long. Brazilian Protestantism, as Alves describes it, has been predominantly a ‘Protestantism of right doctrine’, characterized by a pietistic spirituality, a literalistic understanding of the Bible and an intrinsic individualism (Rubem Alves, Protestantismo e Repressão (São Paulo, Brazil: Ática, 1979). The emphasis on the right beliefs has essentially kept Brazilian Protestantism fragmented.
28. FN2727) Duncan A. Reily, História Documental do Protestantismo no Brasil, 3rd edn (São Paulo, Brazil: ASTE, 2003), p. 254.
29. FN2828) Gerhard Tiel, Ecumenismo na Perspectiva do Reino de Deus: Uma Análise do Movimento Ecumênico de Base (São Leopoldo, Brazil: Editora Sinodal, 1998), p. 45.
30. FN2929) Reily, História Documental, p. 257.
31. FN3030) Neely, Protestant Antecedents of the Latin American Liberation Theology, p. 143.
32. FN3131) In literal translation: Sector of Social Responsibility of the Church.
33. FN3232) Even displaced by the military coup d’état in 1964, this movement would play a very important role in resisting the right-wing military dictatorship that ruled Brazil for twenty-one years. See James N. Green, ‘Clergy, Exiles, and Academics: Opposition to the Brazilian Military Dictatorship in the United States, 1964–1974’, Latin American Politics and Society, 45:1 (February 2003), 87–117.
34. FN3333) See CEB, Relatórios: Biênio 1934–1936 (Rio de Janeiro: CEB, 1936), p. 3. It is worth noting that only four denominations became official members of the CEB in the beginning: The two Presbyterian churches, the Methodist Church and the Episcopalian Church. The Lutheran Church in Brazil did not become a member of the CEB until 1959. Two Pentecostal churches—The Foursquare Pentecostal Church and the Brazil for Christ Pentecostal Church—became affiliated with the CEB in the 1960s. See Tiel, Ecumenismo na Perspectiva do Reino, pp. 45–6.
35. FN3434) Tiel, Ecumenismo na Perspectiva do Reino, p. 37.
36. FN3535) Paulo de Góes, ‘Do Individualismo ao Compromisso Social: A Contribuição da Confederação Evangélica do Brasil Para a Articulação de Uma Ética Social Cristã’, MA thesis, Instituto Metodista de Ensino Superior, 1989, p. 123.
37. FN3636) Tiel, Ecumenismo na Perspectiva do Reino, p. 46.
38. FN3737) De Góes, ‘Do Individualismo ao Compromisso Social’, pp. 124–5.
39. FN3838) Braga and Grubb, The Republic of Brazil, pp. 120–21. See also Paul E. Pierson, A Younger Church in Search of Maturity: Presbyterianism in Brazil from 1910 to 1959 (San Antonio: Trinity University Press, 1974), p. 222.
40. FN3939) In 1965 Robert S. Rapp, missionary of the IBPFM (Independent Board for Presbyterian Foreign Mission), who served in Brazil and alerted the Brazilian churches to the dangers of ecumenism and communism, writes: ‘Liberalism has arrived in Brazil. It has managed to have a well-defined penetration in the Evangélico churches which form the Confederação Evangélica do Brasil’ (Robert S. Rapp, A Confederação Evangélica do Brasil e o Evangelho Social (São Paulo, Brazil: Missão Bíblica Presbiteriana do Brasil, 1965), p. 8).
41. FN4040) Ibid., p. 19. This was recognizably a small federation, formed by the Conservative Presbyterian Church in Brazil, and some groups of Baptists and Congregationalists. However, it was ‘noisy’ enough to cause damage to mainstream Brazilian churches and their efforts for unity. See Pierson, A Younger Church in Search of Maturity, p. 211.
42. FN4141) The Setor of Responsabilidade Social da Igreja, created by the CEB, was the main target of this kind of attack.
43. FN4242) ISAL stands for Iglesia y Sociedad en América Latina. See Richard Shaull, Surpreendido Pela Graça: Memórias de um Teólogo, Estados Unidos, América Latina, Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Record, 2003), p. 184.
44. FN4343) Neely, Protestant Antecedents, p. 163.
45. FN4444) From my tape recorded interview with Waldo César, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 18 July 2003.
46. FN4545) The Student Christian Movement was known in Brazil by its Portuguese initials MEC (Movimento de Estudantes Cristãos).
47. FN4646) Roberto E. Ríos, ‘Iglesias y Movimientos Ecumenicos’, Cristianismo y Sociedad, 17:61–62 (1979), 67–72 at 68.
48. FN4747) Jorge César Mota, ‘A Federação Mundial Cristã de Estudantes’, Testimonium, 2 (December 1954), 145–6, as cited by Neely, Protestant Antecedants, p. 155.
49. FN4848) Ibid., p. 156.
50. FN4949) Ibid.
51. FN5050) Ibid., p. 161.
52. FN5151) Edin Sued Abumanssur, ‘A Tribo Ecumênica: Um Estudo do Ecumenismo no Brasil nos Anos 60 e 70’, MSc thesis, Pontífica Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 1991, p. 47.
53. FN5252) UCEB, ‘Pequena História da UCEB’, in Cadernos da UCEB (undated manuscript accessed from the Richard Shaull archives, Luce Library, Princeton Theological Seminary, December 2003, p. 1.
54. FN5353) Ibid.
55. FN5454) Ibid. Nevertheless, the local groups kept the name ACAS (Associação de Cristãos Acadêmicos), by which they were already well known.
56. FN5555) Richard Shaull, ‘Theological Developments in Brazilian SCM, 1952’, unpublished manuscript, The Richard Shaull archives, Luce Library, Princeton Theological Seminary, November 2003, p. 1.
57. FN5656) Ibid., p. 2.
58. FN5757) The basis for that witness was the belief that ‘Jesus is Lord, and He calls his followers to witness his presence in love among other fellow humans, wherever they are . . . The UCEB exists to call Evangélico students to fulfil and incarnate this mission’ [my translation] (Caio Toledo, ‘O Que é a UCEB’, Boletim das ACAS, 1 (November 1962), 1).
59. FN5858) Faria, Fé e Compromisso, p. 109.
60. FN5959) Paulo Grisolli, ‘Acampamento da ACAs do Rio, São Paulo e Campinas’, Testimonium, 1:3 (1953), 47.
61. FN6060) Richard Shaull, ‘Entre Jesus e Marx: Reflexões Sobre os Anos que Passei no Brasil’, in R. Shaull, De Dentro do Furacão: Richard Shaull e os Primórdios da Teologia da Libertação (São Paulo: Editora Sagarana; CEDI/CLAI, 1985), pp. 183–212 at p. 198.
62. FN6161) Richard Shaull, O Cristianismo e a Revolução Social (São Paulo, Brazil: UCEB, 1953).
63. FN6262) See Faria, Fé e Compromisso, p. 110.
64. FN6363) Jovelino Ramos, “Você Não Conhece o Shaull,” in De Dentro do Furacão, op. cit., 25–32 (31) (my translation).
65. FN6464) See Paul. E. Pierson, A Younger Church in Search of Maturity, op. cit., 220.
66. FN6565) From my tape recorded interview with Esdras Borges Costa, São Paulo, Brazil, 22 July 2003 (my translation).
67. FN6666) Shaull, ‘Theological Developments in the Brazilian SCM, 1952–1964’, p. 8.
68. FN6767) Ibid., pp. 9–10.
69. FN6868) In the 1950s, the situation in Latin America was characterized by a great optimism with regard to the possibilities of the continent achieving self-sustained economic development. Due to the frustration of those aspirations, the term ‘development’ gradually fell into disgrace among Latin Americans, as they realized it was nothing more than a synonym for timid measures of societal reform and modernization, which were really ineffective and insufficient to achieving real transformation. At the same time, they also began to realize that part of their underdevelopment was a by-product of their relations with richer countries. All this created the environment for the liberationist movements to emerge in the 1960s. See Gustavo Gutierrez, A Theology of Liberation (Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1973), p. 26.
70. FN6969) Lehmann’s word for the community of those attempting to keep up with this divine movement toward the future. See Paul Lehmann, Ethics in a Christian Context (Eugene: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 1998).
71. FN7070) Shaull, ‘Theological Developments in the Brazilian SCM, 1952–1964’, p. 20.
72. FN7171) Ibid., pp. 23–4.
73. FN7272) Caio Toledo offers a list of the main leaders of the UCEB in 1962, showing how several of them were already occupying strategic positions not only with the UNE (The Brazilian National Student Movement), but also with other political and social movements in the country. For instance, Rubem Bueno became vice-president of the União Estadual de Estudantes de São Paulo; Rubem César Fernandes has become an important sociologist in Rio de Janeiro, and the president of the social movement Viva Rio, which has combated urban violence; Edir Cardoso was general secretary for the Student Christian Movement in Uruguay for two years; Marco Antônio G. Moreira became assessor for UNE. See Caio Toledo, ‘Notícias’, Boletim das ACAS, p. 5.
74. FN7373) See Delora Jan Wright, O Coronel Tem um Segredo: Paulo Wright Não Está em Cuba (Petrópolis, Brazil: Vozes, 1993).
75. FN7474) Ibid., pp. 27–28.
76. FN7575) Richard Shaull, ‘The Challenge of Student Work in Brazil’, International Review of Missions, 44 (1955), 323–8 at 325.
77. FN7676) Waldo César, ‘Church and Society—Or Society and Church?’, in Nantawan B. Lewis, ed., Revolution of Spirit—Ecumenical Theology in Global Context: Essays in Honor of Richard Shaull (Grand Rapids: W. B. Eerdmans, 1998), pp. 133–48 at p. 135.
78. FN7777) My tape recorded interview with Waldo César, Rio de Janeiro, 18 July 2003 (my translation).
79. FN7878) Interview with Waldo César by Edin Abumanssur, in Abunmanssur, ‘A Tribo Ecumênica’, p. 46.
80. FN7979) The biennial report of the CEB (1955–1956) documents the creation of the new committee. See CEB, Relatórios, 11oBiênio: 1955–1956 (Rio de Janeiro: CEB, 1958).
81. FN8080) César, ‘Church and Society—Or Society and Church’, 135.
82. FN8181) Waldo César, ‘Comissão de Igreja e Sociedade’, in CEB, Relatórios, 11º Biênio: 1955–1956, pp. 77–90 at p. 77.
83. FN8282) Ibid.
84. FN8383) César, ‘Comissão de Igreja e Sociedade’, p. 86.
85. FN8484) Ibid.
86. FN8585) César, ‘Church and Society’, 136. This meeting was larger than the other two, with the attendance of sixty-one people representing thirteen different churches, four ecclesiastical bodies, and eight different countries. The presence of representatives of other Latin American countries was important for the preparation of the First Latin American Consultation on Church and Society, which would happen in Huampani, Peru in 1961. On that occasion, the organization known as Iglesia y Sociedad en América Latina (ISAL) would be constituted. See de Góes, ‘Do Individualismo ao Compromisso Social’, p. 198.
87. FN8686) Santiago-Vendrell, Contextual Theology and Revolutionary Transformation in Latin America, pp. 64–5.
88. FN8787) De Góes, ‘Do Individualismo ao Compromisso Social’, p. 210.
89. FN8888) Shaull, O Cristianismo e a Revolução Social, p. 86. See also Waldo César, ed., Presença da Igreja na Evolução da Nacionalidade (Rio de Janeiro: CEB, 1960), pp. 49–50.
90. FN8989) The Northeastern Conference.
91. FN9090) César, ‘Church and Society’, p. 136. This conference was attended by 160 delegates of seventeen different states, and sixteen Protestant denominations. Some of the most notable economists and sociologists of the country were invited to participate in the conference. See Faria, Fé e Compromisso, p. 123.
92. FN9191) Waldo César, ed., A Conferência do Nordeste: Cristo e o Processo Revolucionário Brasileiro, vol. 1 (Recife: CEB, 1962), p. 42.
93. FN9292) See Márcio Moreira Alves, A Igreja e A Política no Brasil (São Paulo: Editora Brasiliense, 1979), p. 121.
94. FN9393) De Góes, ‘Do Individualismo ao Compromisso Social’, p. 230.
95. FN9494) Almir dos Santos, ‘De Como se Interpretaria a Conferência do Nordeste’, in César, ed., A Conferência do Nordeste: Cristo e o Processo Revolucionário Brasileiro, vol. 1 (Recife: CEB, 1962), pp. 11–14 at p. 13.
96. FN9595) César, ‘Church and Society’, pp. 136–7.
97. FN9696) César, ed., A Conferência do Nordeste, p. 33.
98. FN9797) For more on the Peasant Leagues and its leader, Francisco Julião, see F. Novaes Sodré, Quem é Francisco Julião? Retrato de um movimento Popular (São Paulo: F. Novaes Sodré, 1963); see also Fernando A. Azevedo, As Ligas Camponesas (Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1982). This movement is the best antecedent in Brazilian history of the contemporary Landless Workers Movement, known as the MST. For more on the MST see Roseli S. Caldart, Pedagogia do Movimento Sem Terra, 3rd edn (São Paulo: Expressão Popular, 2004).
99. FN9898) See César, ed., A Conferência do Nordeste, vol. 1, p. 79.
100. FN9999) See Joanildo Burity, ‘Os Protestantes e a Revolução Brasileira, 1961–1964: A Conferência do Nordeste’, MSc thesis, Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 1989, p. 262.
101. FN100100) Waldo César, ‘Introdução’, in Waldo César, ed., A Conferência do Nordeste: Cristo e o Processo Revolucionário Brasileiro, vol. 2 (Recife: Setor de Responsabilidade Social da Igreja/CEB, 1962), pp. xi–xiii at p. xii. Half of the speakers at the Conferência do Nordeste were not Protestants, many of them were not Christians; instead, some were renowned thinkers in Brazil. Lectures by Gilberto Freyre (sociologist), Celso Furtado (economist), Paul Singer (economist) and Juarez Lopes (sociologist) analysed the Brazilian revolutionary situation, while theologians such as Joaquim Beato, João Dias de Araújo and Curt Kleeman presented papers discussing the role of the church in that situation.
102. FN101101) César, ‘Church and Society’, p. 137.
103. FN102102) Ibid.
104. FN103103) Abumanssur, ‘A Tribo Ecumênica’, p. 46.
105. FN104104) César, ‘Church and Society’, p. 138.
106. FN105105) See César, ‘O setor de Responsabilidade Social da Igreja e a Crise da CEB’, undated, unpublished paper, Waldo César’s personal archives, accessed 18 July 2003.
107. FN106106) Ibid.; see also Waldo César, ‘Letter to Confederação Evangélica do Brasil’, 4 December 1965, César’s personal archives, accessed 18 July 2003. Richard Shaull had been asked to give up his chair at the Presbyterian Seminary, and had returned to the United States (see Richard Shaull, Surpreendido Pela Graça, p. 245). For César, the conservative coup with the church anticipated the military coup d’état. Prior to the military repression the progressive Evangélicos had to face religious repression (see César, ‘Um Ecumenismo Voltado para o Mundo’, 6).
108. FN107107) Reynaldo F. Leão Neto, ‘Richard Shaull: O Profeta da Revolução’, Pastoral e Mística: Cadernos de Pós-Graduação/Ciências da Religião, 13:8 (1995), 83–110 at 85 and 106.
109. FN108108) Jovelino Ramos, ‘Você Não Conhece o Shaull’, in Richard Shaull, ed., De Dentro do Furacão: Richard Shaull e os Primórdios da Teologia da Libertação (São Paulo: Ed. Saragana, 1985), pp. 25–32 at p. 27 (my translation).
110. FN109109) Among the theologians Shaull introduced to his Brazilian students, Bonhoeffer was the most influential, not only to Brazilian students but also to other Christian leaders in Latin America. See Julio de Santa Ana, ‘The Influence of Bonhoeffer on the Theology of Liberation’, Ecumenical Review, 28 (1976), 188–97 at 189; see also Clarke Chapman, ‘Bonhoeffer and Liberation Theology’, in John Godsey and Geffrey B. Kelly, eds, Ethical Responsibility: Bonhoeffer’s Legacy to the Churches (Toronto: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1981), pp. 147–95 at p. 160.
111. FN110110) See Jether P. Ramalho, ‘Buscando Novidades no Trabalho do Espírito’, Religião e Sociedade, 23/special issue (2003), 69–70.
112. FN111111) Julio de Santa Ana, ‘A Richard Shaull: Teólogo e Pioneiro Ecumênico—Um Testemunho Reconhecido’, in Shaull, ed., De Dentro do Furacão, pp. 33–9 at p. 37.
113. FN112112) I follow Cornel West’s usage of the Gramscian expression ‘organic intellectual’, referring to someone who is able to link ‘the life of the mind to social change’ with ‘moral persuasiveness and political effectiveness’ (Cornel West, ‘Prophetic Christian as Organic Intellectual: Martin Luther King, Jr.’, in Cornel West, ed., The Cornel West Reader (New York: Basic Civitas Books, 1999), pp. 425–34.
114. FN113113) Shaull, Surpreendido Pela Graça, p. 189.
115. FN114114) Ibid., p. 184. See also Neely, Protestant Antecedents, pp. 166–7 and José Bittencourt Filho, ‘Por Uma Eclesia Militante: ISAL Como Nascedouro de uma Nova Eclesiologia para a América Latina’, MTh thesis, Instituto Metodista de Ensino Superior, 1988.
116. FN115115) César, ‘Ecumenismo Voltado Para o Mundo’, 8.
117. FN116116) César, ‘Church and Society’, p. 142.
118. FN117117) Gerhard Tiel, Ecumenismo na Perspectiva do Reino, p. 48.
119. FN118118) Joanildo Burity, ‘Mudança Cultural, Mudança Religiosa e Mudança Política: Para Onde Caminhamos?’, in Joanildo Burit, ed., Cultura e Identidade: Perspectivas Interdisciplinares (Rio de Janeiro: DP&A Editora, 2002), pp. 29–64 at p. 30.
120. FN119119) José Miguez Bonino, Poder del Evangélio y Poder Poítico: La Participación de los Evangélicos en la Política en América Latina (Buenos Aires: Kairos Ediciones, 1999), p. 12.

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