FN11 For general histories of the mendicant orders in English, see William Hinnebusch, The History of the Dominican Order: Origins and Growth to 1500, 2 vols. (New York, NY: Alba House, 1965); John Moorman, A History of the Franciscan Order: From its Origin to the Year 1517 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968); and C. H. Lawrence, The Friars: The Impact of the Early Mendicant Movement on Western Society (London: Longman, 1994).
FN22 Lester K. Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy in Medieval Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1978), 173.
FN33 Testators used the term mensa or taula when referring to the friars’ living expenses. No patrician donated any property or immovable wealth in their wills to the mendicant friars during the thirteenth century, which they reserved for their heirs. In fact, pious bequests account for only a small fraction of patricians’ net worth. For more on this last point, see “Social Prestige” below. Teófilo Ruiz notes that Castilian testators during this same period “felt no need to specify how the gifts were to be used, and the reciprocal aspects of the act of giving (the hope of gaining entry to heaven’s gate in the afterlife), though only implied, were clear.” Teófilo F. Ruiz, From Heaven to Earth: The Reordering of Castilian Society, 1150-1350 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press), 44.
FN44 Carme Batlle i Gallart and Montserrat Casas i Nadal, “La caritat privada i les institucions benèfiques de Barcelona (segle XIII),” in La pobreza y la asistencia a los pobres en la Cataluña medieval, ed. Manuel Riu, 2 vols. (Barcelona: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1980), 1: 117-190.
FN55 Some testators specify their donations in sous and others do so in morabetins. One morabetin equaled approximately 6.1 sous. In this article, I convert all of the amounts listed in morabetins to sous for the sake of consistency. For more on exchange rates, see appendix 3 in Stephen P. Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 1096-1291 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 412-413 and Miguel Gual Camarena, Vocabulario del comercio medieval: colección de aranceles aduaneros de la corona de Aragón (siglos XIII y XIV) (Barcelona: El Albir, 1976).
FN66 Since the influence and popularity of these smaller mendicant orders was much more limited in Barcelona, this article only focuses on the Franciscans and Dominicans.
FN77 Archive of the Cathedral of Barcelona (hereafter ACB), 1-1-30; ACB, 1-1-1463; ACB, 1-1-1464; ACB, 1-1-1869; ACB, 1-1-1871; ACB, 1-1-515; ACB, 1-2-611; ACB, 1-6-173; ACB, 4-2-194; ACB, 4-2-129.
FN88 For more information on the mendicant orders in other areas of Europe during this period, see the “Mendicants and Merchants in the Medieval Mediterranean: An Introduction” and the other articles of this volume; see also Francisco García-Serrano, Preachers of the City: the Expansion of the Dominican Order in Castile (1217-1348) (New Orleans, LA: University Press of the South, 1997); Daniel R. Lesnick, Preaching in Medieval Florence: The Social World of Franciscan and Dominican Spirituality (Athens, GA: University of Georgia, 1989); Panayota Volti, Les couvents des ordrés mendiants el leur environnement à la fin du Moyen Âge: Le nord de la France et les anciens Pays-Bas méridionaux (Paris: CNRS Éditions, 2003); John B. Freed, The Friars and German Society in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge, MA: Medieval Academy of America, 1977); and Kenneth Rowlands, The Friars: a History of the British Medieval Friars (Brighton: Book Guild, 1999). These are only a few examples of the rich literature on the mendicant orders throughout medieval Europe.
FN99 For a definition of the patriciate, see “Identifying Patricians” below.
FN1010 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 247-248.
FN1111 Thousands of fourteenth-century testaments survive in notarial registers kept in the Arxiu Històric de Protocols de Barcelona. For a catalogue of these registers, see Lluïsa Cases i Loscos, Inventari de l’arxiu històric de protocols de Barcelona (Barcelona: Fundació Noguera, 2006).
FN1212 For more on patricians’ worldly ambitions, see “Social Prestige” below. Also see Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 277-393.
FN1313 Francesc Camprubí and Pere Mártir Angelés, “Lumen Domus o Anals del Convent de Santa Catarina de Barcelona” (Reserves and Manuscripts Room, University of Barcelona Library, Barcelona), fol. 19 (hereafter “Lumen Domus”); Esteve Gilabert Bruniquer, Rúbriques de ceremonial dels magnifíichs consellers y regiment de la ciutat de Barcelona, eds. Francesc Carreras y Candi and Bartomeu Gunyalons y Bou, 5 vols. (Barcelona: Imprenta d’Henrich y Companyía, 1912), 1: 79, 82; E. Ortoll, “Algunas consideraciones sobre la iglesia de Santa Caterina de Barcelona,” Locus Amoenus 2 (1996), 57. The friars hosted the city council meetings until 1369, when the city’s inhabitants inaugurated a new municipal building, which continues to function as the seat of Barcelona’s government. The original building, highly renovated with a modern façade, stands in the Plaça Sant Jaume.
FN1414 See Carme Batlle i Gallart, “Barcelona en el s. XIII: la mentalidad burguesa,” Mayurqa 22 (1989), 57-68; Nathaniel Taylor, “Medieval Catalonian Wills: Family Charter Evidence in the Archives,” Primary Sources & Original Works 2 (1993), 105-108. Also see Ruiz, From Heaven to Earth, 37-53 and Steven Epstein, Wills and Wealth in Medieval Genoa, 1150-1250 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), especially 67-97.
FN1515 For the unrepresentative nature of wills in parchment form, see Bensch’s explanation as quoted above.
FN1616 Batlle, “Barcelona en el s. XIII: la mentalidad burguesa,” 57.
FN1717 Thomas Kaeppli O. P., “Dominicana Barcinonensia: Assignationes Librorum Professiones Novitiorum (s. XIII-XV),” Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 37 (1967), 47; D. Cayetano Barraquer y Roviralta, La casas de religiosos en Cataluña durante el primer tercio del siglo XIX, 2 vols. (Barcelona: Altés y Alebart, 1906), 2: 50-51.
FN1818 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 232-233.
FN1919 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 206-220, 313-335 and Carme Batlle i Gallart and Joan Josep Busqueta, “Las familias de la alta burguesía en el municipio de Barcelona (siglo XIII),” Anuario de Estudios Medievales 19 (1989), 84-88. Also see Batlle, “La vida y las actividades de los mercaderes de Barcelona dedicados al comercio marítimo (siglo XIII),” in Le genti del mare mediterraneo, ed. Rosalba Ragosta, 2 vols. (Naples: L. Pironti, 1981), 1: 292-294.
FN2020 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 232-233, 313-335.
FN2121 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 323. Bailiffs were the king’s financial administrators and usually supervised the payment of his debts, often making advances from their own resources.
FN2222 See the table in Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 406-408. The vicar of Barcelona functioned as the king’s judicial and military representative. In the thirteenth century, members of the patriciate overwhelmingly controlled the office.
FN2323 Batlle and Busqueta, “Las familias de la alta burguesía,” 83-88.
FN2424 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 323; Batlle and Busqueta, “Las familias de la alta burguesía,” 83-88; Batlle, “La vida y las actividades,” 293-294.
FN2525 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 178.
FN2626 Batlle and Busqueta, “Las familias de la alta burguesía,” 85.
FN2727 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 178.
FN2828 A few of these thirteenth-century urban palaces remain standing in the Carrer de Montcada, located in the old Ribera neighborhood of Barcelona, now commonly known as the Born district.
FN2929 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 178 and Carme Batlle i Gallart, Angels Busquet, and Immaculada Navarro, “Aproximaciò a l’estudi d’una família barcelonina dels segles XIII i XIV: els Grony,” Anuario de Estudios Medievales 19 (1989), 287. For a list of thirteenth-century consellers, see Bruniquer, Rúbriques, 1: 25-29.
FN3030 “Lumen Domus,” fol. 4; Francisco de Diago, Historia de la Provincia de Aragón de la Orden de Predicadores (Barcelona: Impressa por Sebastian de Cormella, 1599), 104.
FN3131 “Lomun Domus,” fol. 4; Diago, Historia, 104. The friars named their convent St. Catherine in honor of the shrine dedicated to the martyr saint located inside their new residence. Ferran Valls i Taberner, San Ramón de Penyafort (Barcelona: Labor, 1979), 75. This was most likely only one of a number of properties that Pere Grony owned in Barcelona.
FN3232 “Lumen Domus,” fol. 6. Pere was a creditor to James I. He also owned a meat market in Barcelona and participated in the military campaign against Majorca. Since Sança’s will does not survive, it is not included in this study’s estimates.
FN3333 ACB, 4-15-114; also see Maria Pont’s transcription of Pere’s testament in “El testament de Pere Grony, 1227,” Medievalia 9 (1980), 179-181; for a list of pious donations in Pere’s testament, see Battle and Casas’s chart in “La Caritat Privada i Les Institucions Benèfiques.”
FN3434 ACB, 4-15-71; ACB, 4-1-62.
FN3535 For more on the role of women in the socio-economic world of thirteenth-century Catalonia, including their function as testators and merchants, see Carme Batlle i Gallart, “Noticias sobre la mujer Catalana en el mundo de los negocios (siglo XIII),” in Le genti del mare mediterraneo, ed. Rosalba Ragosta, 2 vols. (Naples: L. Pironti, 1981), 2: 201-221 and Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 234-276, especially 260-275. For the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, see Equip Broida, “Actitudes de las mujeres medievales ante la muerte (Los testamentos de Barcelonesas de los siglos XIV y XV),” in Las mujeres en el cristianismo medieval: imágenes teóricas y cauces de actuación religiosa. VII Jornadas de Historia de las mujeres (Madrid: Asociación Cultural Al-Mudayna, 1989), 463-475.
FN3636 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 271.
FN3737 Batlle, Busquet, and Navarro, “Aproximaciò a l’estudi d’una família barcelonina,” 286 and Pere Orti Gost, Renda i fiscalitat en una ciutat medieval: Barcelona, segles XII-XIV (Barcelona: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 2000), 120, citing Archive of the Crown of Aragon (hereafter ACA), Cancillería Real, reg. 9, fol. 11v; and ACA, Cancillería Real, reg. 13, fol. 202v.
FN3838 Maria left the Dominican friars 100 sous for her burial and 30 sous for their sustenance, ACB, 4-2-15.
FN3939 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 351.
FN4040 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 352.
FN4141 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 205. Ovens throughout the city allowed Barcelonans to bake their bread and other goods for a fee. The Jews had their own separate ovens from the Christians. Mills served to power several types of production, including flour and textiles.
FN4242 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 299.
FN4343 Bruniquer, Rúbriques, 1: 25, 27.
FN4848 Bruniquer, Rúbriques, 1: 25-29 and Carme Batlle i Gallart, “La casa i les béns de Bernat Durfort, ciutadà de Barcelona, a la fi del segle XIII,” Acta Mediaevalia 9 (1988), 9.
FN4949 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 301; for more on Majorca within the wider Mediterranean, see David Abulafia, A Mediterrranean Emporium: The Catalan Kingdom of Majorca (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), especially 28-56.
FN5050 ACB, 1-1-1463.
FN5151 Bruniquer, Rúbriques, 1: 25-9; Batlle, “La casa i les béns de Bernat Durfort,” 9.
FN5252 ACB, 1-1-1464.
FN5353 For example, Maria de Sant Clement, cited above, does not mention a sepulcher in her will. Fourteenth-century testators are much more specific about their funerary arrangements, including their tombs. An exception is Romeu Durfort, discussed above, who specifically requests “an honorable sepulcher.” For more on patricians’ concern with the disposition of their remains and funerary rites, see Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 389-393 and Batlle, “Barcelona en el s. XIII: la mentalidad burguesa,” 58-60.
FN5454 They left a combined donation of 50 sous, ACB, 4-2-54; ACB, 4-2-48.
FN5858 Both Jaume and Benvinguda also donated the expensive purple shrouds used to cover their deceased bodies to the convent.
FN5959 ACB, 4-10-89; ACB, 4-2-120.
FN6161 ACB, 4-15-71; ACB, 4-1-62.
FN6262 Agnes did not leave a donation to Sant Miguel, while Pere did include a donation of 100 sous to the cathedral. Agnes specifically mentions in her will that she wanted to be buried alongside her father and mother in their family’s tomb in the cathedral.
FN6363 “Lumen Domus,” fol. 9. Mention of Jaume’s assistance to St. Catherine in the “Lumen Domus” is even more notable when we consider that its eighteenth-century authors focused disproportionately on noble contributions in an attempt to link St. Catherine’s legacy with some of the oldest and most aristocratic Catalan families. For Jaume Gerard’s testamentary contribution to St. Catherine see “Social Prestige” below.
FN6464 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 386-387; for the names of some of the Franciscans that belonged to the Barcelona house, see appendix 4 in Jill R. Webster, Els Menorets: the Franciscans in the Realms of Aragon from St. Francis to the Black Death (Toronto, ON: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1993), 372.
FN6565 “Liber anniversariorum et professionum,” (Manuscripts and Reserves Room, University of Barcelona Library, University of Barcelona, Barcelona). Also see, Kaeppli, “Dominicana Barcinonensia,” 80-86. For a list of surviving material from St. Catherine’s library that was not destroyed in the fire, see Francisco Miguel, “Manuscritos de la Orden de Predicadores conservados en la biblioteca de la Universidad de Barcelona,” Analecta Sacra Tarraconensia 15 (1942), 325-360.
FN6666 For more on the friars’ urban religiosity, see “Mendicants and Merchants in the Medieval Mediterranean: An Introduction”, this issue; also see Barbara H. Rosenwein and Lester K. Little, “Social Meaning in the Monastic and Mendicant Spiritualities,” Past & Present 63 (1974), 20-32; Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy, 146-217; Giacomo Todeschini, Franciscan Wealth: From Voluntary Poverty to Market Society, trans. Donatella Melucci (Saint Bonaventure, NY: Saint Bonaventure University, 2009), especially 11-28; and Peter W. Baldwin, “The Medieval Theories of the Just Price: Romanists, Canonists, and Theologians in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries,” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 49 (1959), 41-81.
FN6767 See John T. Noonan, The Scholastic Analysis of Usury (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957), 82-99 and Baldwin, “The Medieval Theories of the Just Price,” 71-75.
FN6868 Baldwin, “The Medieval Theories of the Just Price,” 70, citing Albert the Great, Commentarius in IV sententiarum, dist. 16, art. 46, in Opera Omnia, ed. A. Borgnet, vol. 29 (Paris: Vivès, 1890-5), 638.
FN6969 Peter Baldwin, “The Medieval Theories of the Just Price,” 64; also see Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy, 213.
FN7070 Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologiae, 2a 2ae, q. 66, art. 1, in Summa theologiae, cura et studio Petri Caramello, cum textu ex recensione Leonina, ed. Pietro Caramello, 5 vols. (Taurini: Marietti, 1952), 2: 324.
FN7171 Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy, 178.
FN7272 Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy, 179.
FN7373 Ruiz, From Heaven to Earth, 110.
FN7474 See Batlle and Casas, “La Caritat Privada i Les Institucions Benèfiques de Barcelona (Segle XIII),” 118-163 as well as their chart.
FN7575 Jacques Le Goff, Your Money or Your Life: Economy and Religion in the Middle Ages, trans. Patricia Ranum (New York, NY: Zone Books, 1988), 87. Contrition refers to the mendicant orders’ use of Aristotelian distinctions to integrate the acts of the penitent and the absolution of the priest into the single sacrament of penance. For more on the mendicant orders’ theory of contrition, see Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy, 190.
FN7676 Le Goff, Your Money or Your Life, 76.
FN7777 Jacques Le Goff, The Birth of Purgatory, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1984), 267.
FN7878 Le Goff, The Birth of Purgatory, 300.
FN7979 Le Goff, Your Money or Your Life, 77.
FN8181 Instead of a specific number of prayers, testators usually just stated that their donations were meant “pro anima mea” (for my soul). For a similar pattern in Castile, see Ruiz, From Heaven to Earth, 44.
FN8282 ACB, 1-1-1463. Pere’s request for prayers for his parents is not unusual in patrician testaments during this period.
FN8383 ACB, 4-1-62. Agnes’s request for 1000 masses equates to 3 masses per sou, totaling approximately 333 masses for herself, her mother and her father. This explains Agnes’s strange 333 sou donation.
FN8484 Bensch notes that “the most striking feature of thirteenth-century wills is not the popularity of new religious institutions but the proliferation of bequests to all local churches and monasteries,” Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 388. Also see Batlle and Casas, “La caritat Privada i les institucions benèfiques de Barcelona,” especially their chart and Taylor, “Medieval Catalonian Wills,” 103-134. For a similar situation in Castile, see Ruiz, From Heaven to Earth, 47.
FN8585 For more on patrician money lenders, see “Identifying Patricians and Patrician Donors.” Also see Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 206-220.
FN8686 Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy, 212, citing Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologiae, 2a 2ae, q. 78, art. 1.
FN8787 Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy, 181. Ramon treats usury in Book 2, Article 7 of his Summa. Ramon de Penyafort, Summa de poenitentia et matrimonio: cum glossis Ioannis de Friburgo, ed. Johannes von Freiburg (Rome: Giovanni Tallini, 1603), 227-243. For a Catalan translation of Ramon’s Summa, see Ramon de Penyafort, Summa de penitència: cartes i documents, eds. Llorenç Galmés and Jaume Fàbregas (Barcelona: Proa, 1999).
FN8888 The Oxford English Dictionary defines casuistry as “that part of Ethics which resolves cases of conscience, applying the general rules of religion and morality to particular instances in which ‘circumstances alter cases,’ or in which there appears to be a conflict of duties,” J. A. Simpson and E. S. C. Weiner, eds., The Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd edn, vol. 2 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 961. The mendicant friars applied casuistry to create a more individualistic and lenient method of confession that considered the circumstances and intentions of the sinner.
FN9090 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 334, citing ACA, Cancillería Real, reg. 20, fols. 212r-v.
FN9191 Ramon de Penyafort, Summa de poenitentia et matrimonio: cum glossis Ioannis de Friburgo. For more information on Ramon’s Summa, see footnote 96 below and Laureano Robles, Escritores Dominicos de la Corona de Aragón (siglos XIII-XV) (Salamanca: Calatrava Libreros, 1972).
FN9292 See Robert I. Burns, “Christian-Islamic Confrontation in the West: The Thirteenth Century Dream of Conversion,” American Historical Review 76 (1971): 1386-1434 and José Maria Coll, “Escuelas de Lenguas Orinetales en los Siglos XIII y XIV,” Analecta Sacra Tarraconensia 17, 18, and 19 (1944-1946), 115-138, 50-90, and 216-240, respectively. For an alternate interpretation, see Robin Vose, Dominicans, Muslims, and Jews in the Medieval Crown of Aragon (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2009).
FN9393 Robles, Escritores Dominicos, 14.
FN9494 Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy, 194. For more information on casuistry, see footnote 89.
FN9595 Ramon organizes his tract into two books. The second book is subdivided into eight categories of sins, of which the last two, usury and secular business, are of most interest. See Ramon de Penyafort, Summa de poenitentia et matrimonio, 227-256. Also see Robles, Escritores Dominicos, 14-38 and Noonan, The Scholastic Analysis of Usury, 44-45. Secular clerics critical of the mendicant orders accused them of being too lax with penitents, especially when a generous offering was expected in return. For more on this criticism, see Lawrence, The Friars, 124-125.
FN100100 ACB, 4-3-162; ACB, 4-2-115.
FN101101 ACB, 1-1-498.
FN102102 For examples of many of these individuals’ pro anima donations, see Battle and Casas’s chart in “La Caritat Privada i Les Institucions Benèfiques.”
FN103103 For a better understanding of patricians’ socio-political ambitions, see Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 277-393.
FN104104 See Richard W. Southern, The Making of the Middle Ages (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1953), 156-160; Barbara H. Rosenwein, To Be the Neighbor of Saint Peter: The Social Meaning of Cluny’s Property (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univesity Press, 1982), 130-133; Rosenwein and Little, “Social Meaning in the Monastic and Mendicant Spiritualities,” 4-32; Stephen D. Whilte, Custom, Kinship, and Gifts to Saints: The Laudatio Parentum in Western France, 1050-1150 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1988), 6, 26-31; John Howe, Church Reform and Social Change in Eleventh-Century Italy: Dominic of Sora and His Patrons (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997), 103-109; and Bennett D. Hill, English Cistercian Monasteries and Their Patrons in the Twelfth Century (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1968), 54-55.
FN105105 Agnes Grony, for example, chose interment in her parents’ tomb located in the cathedral. For more on patricians’ concern for their ancestors, see Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 385-393.
FN106106 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 386.
FN107107 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 385-392. Also see Taylor, “Medieval Catalonian Wills,” 103-134. This pattern extended beyond the Crown of Aragon; for example, see Epstein, Wills and Wealth in Medieval Genoa, 171-176 and Ruiz, From Heaven to Earth, 120-124.
FN108108 ACB, 1-1-1463.
FN109109 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 389; Bensch specifically dismisses the hypothesis that patricians’ concern for the afterlife was the primary motivation for their pro anima donations. This idea, however, is proposed by Samuel K. Cohn to explain patterns of pious donations in medieval Siena. See Cohn, Death and Property in Siena, 1205-1800: Strategies for the Afterlife (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988) and Cohn, The Cult of Remembrance and the Black Death: Six Renaissance Cities in Central Italy (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992).
FN110110 ACB, 1-1-1463.
FN111111 ACB, 4-10-21.
FN112112 ACB, 4-1-1871.
FN113113 See “The Friars’ Religiosity” above.
FN114114 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 384; for a broader discussion on the subject see Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 373-384.
FN115115 See Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 380; and Joaquím Miret i Sans, “Escolars catalans al estudi de Bolonia en la XIII centuria,” Boletín de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 8 (1915), 137-155.
FN116116 For more on the crown’s preference for the Dominicans over the Franciscans, see Webster, Els Menorets, 149; Peter Linehan, The Spanish Church and the Papacy in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971), 78; and Diago, Historia, 31-33. While Webster believes that royal preference for the Dominicans began to wane throughout the Crown of Aragon after 1250, I disagree. That certainly was not the case in Barcelona, where it continued until the end of the thirteenth century. Webster attributes this preference in part to the kings’ personal spirituality. Yet, there is no clear evidence that any of the thirteenth-century kings of the Crown of Aragon, with the exception of Alphonse III (II Count of Barcelona, 1286-1291) who requested burial in the Franciscan convent of Barcelona, were particularly attracted to the mendicant friars’ religiosity over that of the older monastic tradition. Rather, the friars’ educational training, especially in law, which suited the needs of the growing royal bureaucracy, accounts for their popularity with the kings. The Dominicans largely continued to enjoy more royal favor while they remained better equipped than their Franciscan counterparts to serve the royal administration.
FN117117 Miguel de Fabra and Berenguer de Castellbisbal accompanied James I in the crusade against Majorca; Miguel de Fabra also accompanied James in the conquest of Valencia; and Arnau Segarra participated in the campaign against Murcia. For more information on members of St. Catherine in the royal court and in crusading campaigns, see Juan Bosch, Dominicos que dejaron huella: a propósito de los 700 años de la Provincia Dominicana de Aragón (Madrid: Edibesa, 2000), 30-31 and Coll, “Escuelas de Lenguas Orinetales,” 18, 13.
FN118118 “Contrition and penance were major themes in the piety of the later middle ages. A confessor was therefore an indispensable member of every royal entourage,” Lawrence, The Friars, 171.
FN119119 “Lumen Domus,” fols. 1-47. Arnau Segarra, Miguel de Fabra, Ramon de Penyafort, Pere Centelles, Pere Cendra, and Berenguer de Castellbisbal figure among the most famous members from St. Catherine that served as Royal Confessors.
FN120120 ACA, Cancillería Real, pergaminos, Jaime I, no. 1115. Also see Ambrosio Huici Miranda and Maria Desamparados Cabanes Pecourt eds., Documentos de Jaime I de Aragon, 5 vols. (Valencia: Anubar, 1976), 1: no. 453.
FN121121 Francesch Cabrreras y Candi, La Ciutat de Barcelona. Geografía general de Catalunya (Barcelona: A. Martín, 1913), 392, citing ACA, Cancillería Real, reg. 12, fol. 25r.
FN122122 Diago, Historia, 105.
FN123123 “Lumen Domus,” fol. 19; Diago, Historia, 106. The king also offered his assistance to build a Dominican convent in Lleida, see Huici, Documentos de Jaime I, 3: no. 759.
FN124124 “Lumen Domus,” fol. 19; Diago, Historia, 106; Valls i Taberner, San Ramón de Penyafort, 75.
FN125125 Linehan, The Spanish Church and the Papacy, 78.
FN126126 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 345.
FN127127 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 233.
FN128128 For more on the foundation of the Consell de Cent, see Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 325-331; Josep Font Rius, Orígenes del régimen municipal de Cataluña (Madrid: Publicaciones del Instituto Nacional de Estudios Jurídicos, 1946); and Josep Pella y Forgas, “Establement per Jaume I del Consell de Cent de Barcelona,” in Congrés d’historia de la corona d’Aragó, dedicat al rey en Jaume I y la seva época, 2 vols. (Barcelona: Barcinona, 1909), 1: 37-51.
FN129129 Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 386.