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fn1 1 I am grateful to Romola Rassool, Mohamed Jaffar, Vani Manoharan and four anonymous Tamil speakers for their assistance. All errors are mine.
fn2 2 Adstratal influence typically involves languages of equal prestige, and the borrowing may proceed in both directions. Apart from a few lexical borrowings, however, Sinhala and Tamil have taken little from Sri Lanka Malay. The demographic dominance of Sinhala and Tamil speakers accounts for the unidirectional borrowing.
fn3 3 Ansaldo, by contrast, projects the present situation on the past, arguing that Sinhala, as the socially and economically dominant language, was more likely to be the source of features in Sri Lanka Malay; Tamil “cannot be totally excluded” but was “less likely to be a candidate” (2009a: 281). The documented social links between the Malay and Moor communities (Hussainmiya, 1990, and now Slomanson, 2010) are ignored.
fn4 4 See Smith (this issue, p. 12)
fn5 5 The nasal portion of “prenasalized” stops in Sinhala are actually of comparable length to (single) nasals before stops in other languages; thus phonetically the contrast is between long nasal + stop and normal nasal + stop ( Ladefoged and Maddieson, 1996: 121, citing Lisker, 1984)
fn6 6 Geiger actually specifies a “nominal origin” (1938: 163)